walang bathala o manunubos

Author: heisse

  • Struggle for Internationalism

    Spanish

    (E/N: Excellent translation work done by our comrades at Tridni Valka (Class War Group), many thanks!)

    I reproduce here a polemical article, originally published on Marxist Forum in June 2025 during the Israel-Iran conflict, against various campist, defencist, social-patriotic calls and groups who identify themselves as “Marxists”.

    –

    US-ISRAEL WAR ON IRAN
    Defeatism & Class Independence

    “During a reactionary war a revolutionary class cannot but desire the defeat of its government. This is axiomatic, and disputed only by conscious partisans or helpless satellites of the social-chauvinists.”

    V.I. Lenin


    i.

    The seemingly unprovoked bombings of US-Israel in Iran has sparked a wave of agitation and unrest in both the international bourgeois and proletarian camps. Some factions of the ruling class are uneasy about the escalation, some see opportunity in a looming global reorganization of power, and some directly benefit from and provide financial and spiritual sanctity to the escalation. Nonetheless, the ruling faction of the ruling class, the hegemonic US bourgeoisie, represents the overall interests of the movement of global capital and its attempt to penetrate the Middle East in order to further consolidate and integrate it into the American status quo of the global capitalist order, and seems very ecstatic to have finally a pivoting point after years of provoking escalation in Iran. The constructed narrative is a deterrent war, if not to prevent Iran from developing nuclear military power, then a war to eliminate a potentially-existing nuclear threat in the Middle-Eastern region. Who suffers, who bears all the brunt of imperialist reorganization, reconstruction, and bourgeois in-fighting, of course, is the working class. The capitalist crisis is felt by workers not only in the Middle-Eastern epicenter, but throughout the globe. Commodities rise in prices, wages remain stagnant, military conscription is mandated and forcibly involves workers to kill and die for their bourgeoisie, imperialist military domination tightens in the periphery, and the death toll keeps rising. By appearances alone it is currently a war between barely a handful of states, and yet the quakes generated by their marches, bombs, guns, and speeches shake violently the entire capitalist world.


    ii.

    Alongside this, social-patriotic and defencist calls from various militant and revolutionary organizations, some claiming to be “Marxist” in principle, begin to make rounds within sections of the presently-fragmented workers’ movement. Some groups go so far as to create elaborate apologies for why the workers of the world should support one state over another, and what the class will gain in this act of ol’ bunk defencism. The workers of the world, the social-patriots say, must “take a side”, implying that the independence and internationalism of the class is not a side to take, and even worse, a commitment to “pacifism”! Built on the foundation of shaky “anti-imperialism”, these groups understand the inter-imperialist warring of bourgeois states to be one oppressing another, and that this state policy of oppression of another state is itself what constitutes imperialism. To oppose imperialism means, therefore, to oppose the military subjugation of one bourgeois state by another. All states must live in harmony with each other; only then will imperialism cease. “Marxists” of the 21st century, if you can believe it!

    These groups, stuck in 19th-century pre-WW1 thinking, framed in Second International opportunism, rally the workers behind petty-bourgeois slogans of national defense and democracy. As rationale, they justify this by saying they support the peoples and not the states, while at the same time effectively identifying the interests of the people with those of their state. They deny the autonomy of the workers and insist that they have converging interests with their respective local bourgeoisies, an apologia for subordinating the workers’ movement under the bourgeoisie-under-attack in the name of the state, known to us as nationalism. All justified by the vulgar misunderstanding of imperialism to be a military-economic policy of great states imposed over other weaker states. To reiterate Lenin, imperialism is the superstructure of capitalism. Imperialism is inherent to the internal logic of capital and cannot be done away with without the revolutionary overcoming of capitalism itself. Wars are waged for surplus value, for greater exploitation, for total counterrevolution, for the total capitalist subsumption of humanity. Once this instance of war is over, it is guaranteed to repeat again at some place in some other time, and the same chauvinistic slogans we will see flying in the air again, seeking to once more postpone class struggle so more proletarians can spill their blood in the name of the little nation stomped by the big nation. Plagued by political pragmatism and a chronic lack of confidence in the workers of the world, the “Marxists” do the job of the national bourgeoisie for it, with full revolutionary conviction! They convince themselves with their whole chests that their slogans and mobilizations are to the benefit and interest of the real movement. What such apologia achieves instead is the further confusion and fragmentation of the working class already fatigued and low in morale from decades of counterrevolution. For the revolutionary defeatists, the desire for the defeat of one’s own state does not mean a desire for another state’s victory; all workers must desire the defeat of their governments in war, not only in demise from other states, but in its revolutionary actions as a class organized against its own state!


    iii.

    The workers of the world are bound by the exploitation and alienation of their social existence by capital, in whatever corner of the world they find themselves, in history and in the present. As Marxists, inseparable from the struggle for communism, we are distinguished from the working class in only two ways: (1) by pointing out and bringing to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality; and, as a necessary consequence, (2) by always and everywhere representing the interests of the movement as a whole. We insist on the age-old Marxist position: only the independent organization, struggle, and fraternity of the international workers can put an end to the barbarism of capitalism. So only the internationalism of the working class can put an end to all imperialist warring. Accordingly, we encourage the working peoples of all nations to commit treason against their states as declarations of class independence.

    Workers must not buy into the petty-bourgeois revolutionists’ political “pragmatism” of class-collaboration (known simply to us as Liberalism); the side of the international working class is the side against both warring blocs and against world-capitalism itself. Opportunists renounce the class struggle in wartime—they see the “primary contradiction” to be that of military competition between actively hostile states, which implicate the unity of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat in such an endeavor. It is national struggle first before class struggle. They think that class struggle takes primacy only in times of “relative peace” and do not realize that they are thinking with the obfuscated frameworks constructed by the bourgeois; they do not see that, for the bourgeoisie, the duration of peace is merely preparation for war! Stripped of all bourgeois pretense and civility, naked in its class truth, the side of the international working class is neither a pacifist nor a neutral side but a side that is explicitly hostile to the bourgeoisies of the world. Class struggle takes primacy—indeed class is the sole basis of struggle—even and especially in wartime. The “anti-war” line of class struggle: we, the workers, declare war with the global capitalist system!


    iv.

    We do not stand in defense of Iran or any other bourgeois nation-state against imperialist aggressors, but push for the partition of the nation into two camps engaged in civil war, and we are on the side of the proletarian camp against both its government and the aggressor. The Iranian working class, along with the militant and conscious US and Israeli workers, must do what it can to fraternize with the workers of the Middle East and mobilize as a class along the revolutionary-defeatist line. There can be no compromise in this matter; the Iranian workers are not obligated to put their energy behind the Iranian Islamic bourgeois state and its defense against the bourgeoisie of the US, Israel, and the European Union. In no serious slave uprising will one observe the slaves uniting with their slave-owners against other slave-owners.

    From imperialist war to civil war, and finally to open confrontation in world revolution: there is no war but class war! Stand with the Iranian and Middle-Eastern workers! Agitate for the fraternization of the workers of the world! Against world-capitalist barbarism! Forward, unto socialism!

    To Read:

    Lenin, ‘The Defeat of One’s Own Government in the Imperialist War’ – https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1915/jul/26.htm
    Anti-Capitalist Workers, ‘For Class Struggle Against All Capitalists’, communiques from Iranian communist workers – https://internationalistcommunists.org/2025/06/20/against-wars-in-the-middle-east-for-class-struggle-against-all-capitalists/

  • The Political Economy of Corruption

    The Political Economy of Corruption

    Preliminary notes on corruption and the peripheral-capitalist State; towards a critique of “Anti-Corruption”

    Metro Manila is drowning in shit and leptospirosis. Recent news, not at all old, believe it or not.


    Introduction


    In the recent weeks following sensational media stories and exposé of rampant corruption in flood control infrastructure financing, we have seen the same political spectacles we have become so familiarized to—and so desensitized by—in the last couple of decades. Every single time a scandalous outbreak of suspicious-enough misallocation—or outright disappearance into thin air—of public funds makes it to the news, barely catching the ears of the masses so beaten by the physical and mental toll of every-day work, the same sequence of events play out in the same exact order: an authoritative body calls for an investigation into the matter; the body (usually the Congress), headed by eager career-politicians trying to make a name, calls for a hearing to evaluate persons of interest—insisting all the while on the due process in the midst of growing mass unrest; politicians perform for the cameras, employing useless interrogation and irrelevant questioning to probe into the lives of said persons of interest in near-atomic detail, yet still with nothing to show for it; more and more names are revealed to the public—the investigating body of authority of course chooses to ignore these names as personally convenient (surprise: they too are complicit in the scandal); no order of summons. Days, weeks pass, the spectacle grows. The media earns by sensationalism, building up to a climax of nothing. The masses finally surrender and get tired of the whole act, choosing to go on with their monotonous working, tax-paying lives. This is the norm, anyway. Politicians are corrupt, forks belong in the kitchen, the sky is blue… what ever else?

    But why is the sky blue? We have figured out a scientific explanation for that. Why do forks belong in the kitchen? We have a sociological explanation for that. Why, then, are politicians corrupt? Do we have any other explanation beyond the commonly accepted idea that politicians are just naturally, genetically greedy out of the womb? An explanation perhaps beyond the ever-vague blanket of “culture”?

    As a matter of fact, we do.

    Corruption, plainly speaking, is the privatization of public power to facilitate personalistic gains. The most common form of corruption involves the appropriation of the social wealth for private interests. To better understand corruption, therefore, we must understand the nature of public power in Philippine society, concentrated and embodied in the Philippine State.

    Throughout this article I will argue that corruption is a latent mode of accumulation in the capitalist State apparatus; monopoly capitalism and premature integration into the ever-shifting structures of the global economy determine the forms and functions of corruption in the Philippines, effectively making the State a collective capitalist, or State-capitalist. I will demonstrate how corruption has two primary functions in the Philippine context; (1) as a permanent and recurring mechanism of primitive accumulation, and (2) as a function of intra-capitalist competition. I will elaborate on the significance of infrastructure development for the peripheral State. Finally, I argue that there is no other way out but relentless working-class struggle against the capitalists, inside and outside the comprador peripheral State.

    My hope with this essay is not to provide an answer to everything about the problem of corruption but to initiate a broader discussion within the workers’ movement—those who are robbed the most of their labor, strength, creativity, and dignity by this rotting capitalist system—and its orbiters, or those who sympathize with our ends. The reader then may treat this essay as a rough collection of preliminary notes on corruption and the nature of the peripheral-capitalist State, to be used for better theoretical and practical elaborations hereafter.


    Class Nature of the State


    In Marxist theory, the State is a historically contingent social organ embodying and concentrating within itself the aggregate of authority in society as a whole, exercised by means of a monopoly on violence with origins in economic domination. More aptly, the State is primarily understood to be a class organized to suppress another class. Therefore in capitalist society the State is specifically a capitalist State.

    The class nature of the Philippine State as a distinctly capitalist State is not necessarily determined or refuted by the level of industrial development of the Philippines as a whole, but by the functions it takes up in the general administration of capitalist society.

    The foundational role and primary function of the State is the protection and maintenance of profit-maximizing property relations (capitalist private property). This manifests not only in the mandates of the 1987 Constitution but also in the State’s mediating role in property disputes and counter-insurgency campaigns. Its armed organs, the PNP (Philippine National Police) and the AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines), serve and protect the landed and propertied capitalists in a gradating manner; the PNP serves as the armed protector and enforcer of internal capitalist order and norms, primarily in the cities (e.g., evicting informal settlers for private commercial development, breaking labor strikes, harassment or outright extrajudicial murder of suspected drug addicts), whereas the AFP serves as the defender of the general (i.e., national) interests of the entire Philippine bourgeoisie from external and internal threats, such as in the South China Sea–West Philippine Sea debacle and in the counter-insurgency campaigns in the countryside. The carceral judiciary arm of the Philippine State on the other hand imposes decades-long sentences to senior citizens for stealing fruit and bread, and house-arrest for big-time plunderers, typically politicians and their cronies, of our taxes.

    Embedded in a developing, underindustrialized capitalist country, itself situated within the periphery of the imperialist world-system, the Philippine State takes on a comprador (syn., “peripheral”) character with inherent structural weaknesses that engender its inner life and culture as an organ of class rule. Owing to its structural weaknesses as a peripheral-capitalist state, the Philippine State is less a coherent Weberian-bureaucratic organ of streamlined state management functions than a consortium of competing bourgeois factions (political dynasties, comprador and landlord-capitalists, oligarchs of key industries, trade union bureaucrats, corporate lobbying groups, &c.) each vying for political power. Fully integrated into the world-capitalist system, the Philippine State is a particularly important capitalist organ due to its labor-export policy readily providing a supply of easily exploitable and remarkably compliant workers overseas. The peripheral character of the capitalist State is owed to its compliance and premature integration into the imperialist world-system and its consequent underdevelopment.

    Since the Philippines remains a service economy, with its services sector employing over 60% of the total labor force (as of August 2025), its industrial development perpetually arrested, where manufacturing and industry employ ~18% (same figure as agriculture) of the total labor-force, the most lucrative industries for capital investment and accumulation are in the services, including the facilitation of foreign trade via exportation and importation. The underindustrialization of the Philippine economy, caused by premature integration into the world market and its global supply chains—with international capital’s global structural adjustments, intersecting with a rapidly-declining agricultural sector, and finally amplified by the sluggish generation of stable, regular, decent-paying jobs in the services sector—gives way to alternative modes of accumulation. One such alternative mode is Statecraft.


    Corruption as Primitive Accumulation

    There are very limited opportunities and avenues to relieve the natural pressure to accumulate and facilitate capital investment for the Filipino bourgeoisie. The peripheral-capitalist State, having a privileged position in society and acting as a junior partner of foreign capital in the imperialist world-system, fills this void instead and becomes a private business ran by rent-seeking oligarchs representing domestic capital and comprador elites intimately tied to import-export finance representing foreign capital to relieve the pressure of capital accumulation. Because of this unique role of the State, political power becomes, in a rather straightforward manner, economic power. Corruption then becomes a latent mode of primitive accumulation for the capitalist State.

    The State facilitates primitive accumulation in a permanent and recurring manner. Its organs are crucial for the dispossession and active proletarianization of the huge mass of country peasants in direct aid of the landed capitalists. Since the cities are underindustrialized, proletarianized country peasants who have migrated to the urban areas are unable to be absorbed effectively, which invariably creates a pauperized class perpetually stuck in the liminality of proletarianization. They become the urban poor of our cities.

    Hence the State function of primitive accumulation manifests in two deeply interconnected ways: (1) the active dispossession and proletarianization of the peasantry, and (2) the plunder of social wealth through the State apparatus.

    Corruption is not, however, unique to weak peripheral States; it also occurs in the stronger core States. Since these stronger States typically have a greater stake in legitimacy as liberal democratic States and usually have more developed national economies, they can afford to tolerate the friction of regulatory state functions and legitimize this latent mode of accumulation by legalistic means, such as legal lobbying (literal bribery of lawmakers), effectively converting the privatized, criminalized form of raw, naked corruption into an official public power as a legal State function. Weaker peripheral States cannot afford the same privileges and as such corruption manifests as naked, raw, only barely-covered plunder of the social wealth (e.g., the national budget) or the bypassing of legal regulations (e.g., by patronage networks).

    Another way that the peripheral (or “comprador”) character of the State manifests through corruption is in the latter’s function as a lubricating oil for the overall efficiency of the global plundering machine. Corruption is able to by-pass regulatory laws such as labor laws and quality assurance (treated as “friction” in the system) to more efficiently facilitate transfer of capital between States in the core and in the peripheries. This is a key character of the mobility of capital itself.


    Infrastructure in the Peripheries

    Pulled from Bulatlat’s facebook page; photo by Noel Celis of Greenpeace.


    For developing countries in the periphery, infrastructure is perhaps the principal concern and priority of national development. Infrastructure serves as the base of all economic operations and activity, acting as the “skeleton” of the entire political, social, and economic body of the country.

    For an underindustrialized economy such as the Philippines’, infrastructure is ever-necessary to support and facilitate economic activity in other sectors such as the services. Underindustrialization provides a multiplier effect onto the prioritization of infrastructure development, which then creates a new lucrative avenue by which the pressure to accumulate and reinvest capital can be facilitated.

    Another way that the capitalist State facilitates, mediates, and converts economic power into political power and vice versa in infrastructure development is through Public-Private Partnership programs (PPP/P3s). The State, in its partnership with private firms and corporations, takes on an instructive role in organizing and actively involving the business sector in policymaking. This makes involved corporations effectively political entities with a direct hand in the exercise of State-power. The State in this way facilitates the institutionalization of oligarch-, crony-, and private corporate-powers.

    In an ideal scenario, infrastructure projects would bear material fruit in the form of bridges, paved roads, schools, hospitals, mass transportation, and flood control; contractors, capitalist financiers, and the State can then extract profit by percentages and dues every time these infrastructures are used, or otherwise profit more indirectly but holistically by facilitating faster and more efficient transportation of goods and services, providing more jobs and opportunities, and increasing disaster resilience overall. However this doesn’t seem to be the case for the reasons stated above. The comprador capitalist class is fundamentally a myopic class: albeit less profitable in the long-run and actively erosive to its political legitimacy, the direct plunder of social wealth is the more profitable mode of accumulation in the short-term. This short-term vision of capital accumulation, what we might aptly call hoarding, is compelled by the general class instinct that the economy is always bound to collapse soon enough. Moreover, what would be the next-best-thing, a national industrial policy, is absent, and hence the accumulated ill-gotten wealth of these politicians and cronies almost never circulate back into the economy via productive investment into heavy industries[1]. If everything can collapse in a sneeze, why bother with long-term investments? We then get a sense of this vicious, self-fulfilling prophesiac closed feedback loop that only makes things increasingly dire at every turn.


    Okay. What is the fix?


    Various solutions have been put forward by different political actors, groups, and parties, but all continue to orbit the idea that the State is simply an empty neutral vessel that can be instrumentalized by whichever group for whatever agenda. I have shown that this is in reality a utopia. If corruption is a latent mode of accumulation in the capitalist State, this has its roots in the fact that the State is itself a common apparatus of the capitalist class in managing its own affairs. The solution to corruption lies not in who is in power, or in the intentions and promises of a ruling administration, but in the very nature of capitalist society, organized for profiteering and accumulation, in which the State is embedded.

    Does liberal reform then have a sufficient solution to the problem of corruption? If we see the capitalist system itself as an untouchable, unchangeable, irreplaceable system, then the answer is a resounding no. Reform—even revolution!—through liberal democracy is a dead-end; we are here in the first place because of the liberal-democratic revolution of EDSA-1986. The State is itself structured to loot and deluding oneself that voting every now and then magically fixes the issue of corruption is nothing but that—plain delusion; for so long as the logic of accumulation, itself the content of corruption, dominates society, plunder of the Filipino working class remains the ruling philosophy of the State, no matter who the masses vote for to exploit them and steal from them for the next six years to come. Liberal reformism tells us that corruption is the rot of a few bad apples; we reply that the entire barrel is rotten.

    Is it then a nationalist movement that is necessary to develop our sovereign industry and break away from the imperialist world-system? But since imperialism is a world-system, this does not actually address anything, as the same dynamics and relations of exploitation persist even if in a different country. This “solution” is caught in an endless loop of nationalist, protectionist revolts, falling in the same myopic logic of development as the plundering capitalists, without accounting for the global imperialist dynamic at play which we remain embedded and deeply integrated in, whether industrialized, agrarian, or service-oriented. The core-periphery dynamic of the imperialist world-system, ergo of world-capitalism itself, remains intact. The workers remain toiling like zombies for their bosses in the workplace and in the State. The system is still built on theft, only in this case with more patriotic thieves plundering the patriotic workers.

    The politico who signs the contract, whoever he is and whatever his political affiliation may be, and the contractor who can show nothing for the millions and billions he has amassed for his projects, these are only two heads of the same many-headed Hydra that is the capitalist State. We have no illusions of it being otherwise.


    Conclusions for an anti-corrupt, anti-capitalist worker: Class struggle!


    Corruption is not only a natural mode of accumulation but in the case of peripheral-capitalist States becomes essential in the maintenance and development of the capitalist system. The disease, therefore, is capitalism itself. Any kind of anti-corruption campaign which does not acknowledge this basic objective fact is nothing but pure unbridled fantasy of a world that will never come: a capitalism which serves the people. This serves no other end but the State function of confusing the working masses towards dead-end policies and political programs.

    We are left with one honest solution, if we are truly serious in ending corruption, as a class: to struggle against the capitalist thieves and capitalism itself. We the workers are accountable only to ourselves! Enough with left-capitalist delusions of a revolutionary capital. We must see clearly the present situation for what it is: not a failure of government and democracy but a critical historical lesson in the class nature of the capitalist State.

    The workers must see clearly that only they have the power to put an end to all of this. Hence, the demand of the labor movement must be towards an uncompromising independence of the working class from the capitalists in the workplace, factories, the State, from both the liberal and nationalist middle-forces who seek only to appropriate workers’ power for their own ends, ultimately ending still in the plunder of the working class under “better-governing” or “patriotic” thieving rulers.

    Towards an anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist workers’ movement: Round up the capitalist plunderers! Smash the capitalist State! For a workers’ dictatorship against the capitalist thieves!

    heisse, walang bathala o manunubos

    Notes

    Figures on labor-force and sectoral employment are pulled from Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA); while acknowledged as a generally inaccurate source of data, I use it here as a rough approximation and not as strict reflection of real employment conditions.

    Sections on infrastructure and the capitalist State are heavily inspired by Davide of @criticofpolecon on Substack (many thanks to a comrade for suggesting this series) — https://criticofpolecon.substack.com/p/whats-the-deal-with-capitalism-and

    [1] See: Yuen Yuen Ang’s Gilded Age Thesis (many thanks to another comrade for finally giving a name to this intuition [+ writing advice, xD]) — Yuen Yuen Ang (2020) “China’s Gilded Age: The Paradox of Economic Boom and Vast Corruption.”

  • Indonesia, for the Maximal Program!

    French / Spanish

    (E/N: Huge thanks to our comrades at Tridni Valka (Class War Group) for publishing these translations.)

    –

    Statement of Solidarity

    Marxist Forum — Metro Manila
    7 September 2025


    Although part of a long wave of mass urban mobilizations spanning years, the wild series of uprisings in Indonesia today began on the 25th of August, when students and workers led demonstrations against proposed additional housing allowances for parliament members, raising their salaries 10 times higher than the national minimum wage of the Indonesian working class. Parliamentary allowances are only the latest in Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto’s ferocious attacks on the working class, aided by creeping militarization and guided by the diktat of neoliberal austerity: cutting spending worth trillions of rupiah on education, welfare, and public health. Since Thursday of August 28th, with the murder of Affan Kurniawan, a 21-year-old rideshare motorbike driver—run over by an armored military vehicle commandeered by Jakarta police to crush the uprising—we have only seen the acceleration of spreading protests throughout the islands, and the escalation of violence and anger amid the protesters, with a number of politicians’ assets looted and burned to the ground—including, according to Perhimpunan Merdeka (Freedom Association), about half-a-dozen regional offices of the House of Representatives.


    On the ground, several of the groups and individuals involved have been among the anarchists and communists, insurrectionaries notwithstanding, organized and otherwise. Demands have been made by various groups, featuring in particular two: Perhimpunan Merderka’s (PM; Freedom Association) demand to abolish the unitary government in favor of direct democracy through “People’s Councils”, and Perhimpunan Sosialis Revolusioner’s (PSR; Revolutionary Socialist Association) call for the workers to take the fight to the factories and workplaces to form and coordinate strike committees and worker’s councils.


    In light of recent reports of discouragement, deescalation, and a generalizing urge to retreat, Marxist Forum calls on our anarchist and communist Indonesian comrades to push for a maximalist program within the assemblies and coordinating councils. This entails the organization of self-defense militias—for every worker, a rifle; rearrangement of production away from the capitalists and towards social appropriation, sustaining the rebellions and keeping the workers from going back to work; coordinating with workers of key industries to halt production and operations such as in ports and airfreight, shutting down the national economy; seizing the telecommunication and data centers to facilitate continuous in-flow of information within and with-out of the country, and;


    Above all, to RESIST ANY AND ALL ATTEMPTS AT NEGOTIATION. Hijack the union leaderships, expel the middlemen and negotiators of labor, stand against the peace-makers who wish to restore the reproduction of the status quo, resist by any means necessary the cooptation of the rebellions for vested political interests by groups who wish to delimit the Indonesian proletariat’s class anger and make a turn towards liberal pacifism and passivity. The responsibility of the most conscious and organized elements of the rebellions, without taking ownership of the movement and fighting the tendency to lag behind the proletariat in rebellion, is to push the class to advance wherever it lags. The anarchists and communists should not be afraid to go past the proletariat, wherever it is reluctant to advance, and make the class conscious of where it is going and what needs to be done to get there!


    The class, while still acting as a class, is now in the political arena. To generalize the rebellions into a full insurrection, it is ever-necessary to imbue the sites of struggle with a clear communising direction and go past the economic and political, to directly and immediately appropriate the social. Comrades, the Indonesian proletariat is on the brink of something potentially bigger than all of us. To take the next step, the class must be compelled to intervene into history directly and begin the conscious communisation of Indonesian society.


    BY ANY MEANS NECESSARY; THERE CAN BE NO COMPROMISE.


    Panjang umur Revolusi!


    #


    Donate to our Anarchist prisoner-comrades with Serikat Tahanan (Prisoners’ Union) through the Donasi button here: https://sociabuzz.com/serikattahanan


    Abolish Parliament! — Perhimpunan Merdeka: https://perhimpunanmerdeka.org/2025/09/02/statement-august-2025-protest/


    Take the fight to the factories! — Perhimpunan Sosialis Revolusioner: https://revolusioner.org/bergerak-ke-pabrik-pabrik-sebarkan-revolusi-ini-ke-kelas-pekerja/